Thursday 11 July 2013

Why trade unions should care about sex workers and trafficked women from Burma



Thailand isn’t just a popular destination for European and American families on vacation. Thailand – especially Bangkok and Pattaya – is also a hub for the exploitative sex trade in the Southeast Asian region. While there is a common perception that Thai people are always smiling, friendly and humble, there is also a much harsher reality behind the paradisiac palm tree front. Women of all ages, and even underage girls, are trafficked into Thailand’s sex trade. They come from the poorer countryside of Thailand, but also from neighbouring countries, through border towns such as Mae Sot in Western Thailand, on the opposite side of Moei River to Myawaddy in Burma. Sometimes they find themselves trapped in the sex trade after having been promised other types of work; sometimes it is a ‘choice’ of their own to sell sexual favours, as a last resort in a desperate situation. But, in some cases, women and girls are also recruited on factories, by brokers who only intend to benefit as much as possible on the sex workers, and some women also choose to leave low-paid, hazardous, dirty, tiring and monotonous factory work for sex work that is said to give more money for less hours. The question is – what could trade unions do to protect women and girls in the sex trade? 

Though the country is rich of many natural resources, the people of Burma are generally quite poor and the employment opportunities are fewer than in neighbouring Thailand. Decent work – meaning, a work with a safe working environment, a pay that cover all the necessary costs for survival, and a culture of respect for basic human and labour rights – is nothing but an unattainable dream for most Burmese. Because of tradition, State politics and the geographic location of the country in the fertile tropical zone, most people are farmers. However, farming is an unreliable source of income, since it depends on the weather and the climate. Natural disasters, such as the 2008 cyclone Nargis, have showed that Burma is indeed a vulnerable country when it comes to threats for the livelihood and food sovereignty of the population. Moreover, it is widely recognized that soldiers from the Burmese military have demanded rice and other crops from the civilians on the countryside, and the Government is itself responsible for mass confiscation of land, which is then sold for a prohibitedly low price to foreign investors and State-owned companies of neighbouring countries. These and many other factors have led to greater urbanisation. Now, people in even higher numbers than before are looking for jobs in the services sector in the bigger cities of Burma and in the factories in the industrial zones. But, even though these jobs provide the workers with a somewhat more predictable income than farming previously did, far too many employees have to work under inhumane working conditions for a pay that barely make ends meet. One commentator writes:

The prospect for Burma’s uneducated (or undereducated) and unskilled young women exists in the growing garment and manufacturing industries [...]. In the morning […] one will see hundreds and hundreds of young women, mostly girls aged anywhere from 14 to 21 lined up while mounting trucks and then packed onto them, standing tightly pressed against each other faced forward. Maybe 50 girls packed like cattle onto a small truck then get ferried off to a garment factory or some other factory to work all day for miserly wages of one or two dollars a day. [---] The factory, being set far inside the compound, is almost out of sight or surrounded by trees and vegetation. Taking photographs around these areas is strictly forbidden and a bit risky.”

The hopeless situation in Burma’s services sector and in the factories break down people to the point when some of them feel it would even be better to sell sex than to sew thousands of cheap garments every week. Even though prostitution and trafficking are illegal in Burma, both are very common features all over the country. Men and boys are more often recruited from the streets or are forcibly trafficked to another place to work with physically heavy work, like construction work, or to join the Burmese army. Women and girls, on the other hand, are more often trapped in the sex trade or in domestic servitude. They are either brought to Yangon or other, big cities, or sent abroad. However, the Government of Burma mostly focus on prosecuting those who are responsible for the trafficking of Burmese women to China, for the purpose of marrying Chinese single men, and therefore trafficking within Burma or to countries other than China, and – even more so – prostitution in general gets less attention from the authorities. It is even reported that the police takes advantage of sex workers, by harassing and threatening them so to get bribes. This means that women who drop off from factories to sell sex instead usually don’t face harsh, legal punishment like imprisonment, but are rather affected by constant fear and stress; they are also losing much of their somewhat higher pay (compared to the low payments for factory work) on bribes to the police. Some sex workers are afraid that they will be questioned or arrested by the police, and therefore choose not to carry condoms in their pockets or bags. When not being able to use condoms in their work, they are exposed to a higher risk of contracting HIV and other sexually transmitted infections and they also risk unwanted pregnancies. Sex work also carries a social stigma, and sex workers are often ostracized from their families and communities. When being unable to ‘return home’, it is even more difficult for women and girls to leave prostitution.

Because of ostracism, poverty or a lack of job opportunities, some women choose to leave Burma for other countries, such as Thailand. Some are promised decent work with considerably higher wages than in Burma. Others are forcibly moved from Burma to neighbouring countries, and then sold either in transit towns, like Mae Sot, or at tourist destinations, such as Pattaya, or in big and rich cities, like Bangkok. Women who are trafficked to Thailand to work on factories or in somebody else’s home face similar problems as in Burma. Their work is often dangerous and they usually don’t have access to proper safety equipment. They have tiring workdays and perhaps only one day off from work every week – if they are lucky enough to be employed at a ‘good’ factory or by a ‘good’ family. Sometimes they have to live where they work, either it be on a factory or in a private house. They are also subjected to different forms of violence, but cannot take legal action, since Thai laws only permits Thai people to found trade unions – in Burma, workers have a legal right to set up trade unions, but that is only in theory; in reality, workers who try to mobilize themselves in order to demand better working conditions are still targeted by the police and by security staff. For some Burmese women in Thailand, factory work is the first step before entering prostitution or trafficking for sexual purposes. They are worn out being more or less ‘owned’ by their employers – but when in the sex trade, they often find themselves being ‘owned’ by a pimp instead, or being stressed over chasing money just as much as they used to do at the factory. Some Burmese women have been directly trafficked to Thailand to sell sex, and some of them have also been sex workers in Burma before arriving in Thailand. Whatever their background is, sex workers and those trafficked for sexual purposes share many difficulties with the migrant workers. They also face human rights abuses and they also find it hard to organize.

However, some efforts are being made to end human trafficking and to curb prostitution. The Governments of Burma and Thailand have signed a few Memorandums of Understanding concerning migration and labour, and they cooperate to identify, find and prosecute brokers and others who facilitate the sex trade between the countries. In 2008, Thailand also officially declared 6th of June to be the Anti-Human Trafficking Day. In connection to this date this year, several Thai authorities arranged a rally in Southern Thailand against human trafficking, and 450 Burmese migrant workers also participated in the rally. It was an action of solidarity with those trafficked and some of the workers surely had own experiences of human trafficking. Actually, workers and trade unions could have a crucial role in combating sex trade, if permitted to exist. Trade unions can protect both human rights and labour rights of the workers and fight for decent working conditions. If people employed at the factories would have a safe working environment and a good pay, just to name a few things, they would be less prone to leave their jobs for jobs in the sex trade, and brokers would not have a chance to recruit women and underage girls at the factory or near the compounds either. Some trade unions can also provide drop outs and victims of trafficking with shelter and basic vocational training, so they could build a new life and earn an income without being trapped in the sex trade again. Trade unions can also raise the awareness of prostitution, human trafficking and the related laws in force, among both the workers and the employers. The bigger a trade union is, the stronger it is, and if permitted to grow in members, trade unions could mobilise people to participate in rallies and to scrutinize and pressure the Governments to comply with national laws as well as international laws. Not least could national trade unions function as a link, exclusively for the workers, between the Governments of Burma and Thailand on the one hand, and the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the United Nations (UN) on the other hand. After all, the Governments of Burma and Thailand bear a duty to fulfil several important, international human rights treaties.

But this is just the possible role for trade unions and the responsibility for treaty members like Burma and Thailand – how about the international community, then? What could the ILO, the UN, the ASEAN countries and the EU do to combat prostitution and sex trade in Southeast Asia, while at the same time strengthening the rights of workers?

First, they could defend the right for workers to set up their own, independent trade unions, by pressuring the Governments of Burma and Thailand to adopt laws that are less strict, in order to comply with international human rights standards. Second, they could cooperate with these trade unions, based on international solidarity and other core values – not least should they support trade unions with resources, including financial ones. They could also function as whistleblowers, and respond quickly whenever stricter laws are adopted or when existing laws are interpreted narrowly, allowing human and labour rights abuses to take place. In this way, the international community could protect the lives of individual workers who join trade unions in hostile countries, such as Burma and Thailand. Last, but not least, the international community could mobilise the leaders of the world to make joint efforts to improve the lives of everyone, no matter their country of origin or their current profession. As a current example, the EU recently decided to grant Burma trade privileges under its Generalised System of Preferences, which means that it will now be easier and cheaper for companies based in Burma to export garments to the EU.  While it might be a good thing that Burma increases its exports – since this may increase the GNP and lead to more jobs in the factories – there are also reasons to be cautious about the consequences of this decision. The worst case scenario would include the shut-down of several factories in neighbouring countries, leading to unemployment and poverty in these countries, and the set-up of new factories in Burma, leading to a ‘race to the bottom’ situation in which most international companies would prefer to have their factories in Burma because the labour laws are weaker and the wages are the lowest there. Currently, the minimum monthly wage in Burma is only US$32, which is just a third of the minimum wage in Vietnam, as an example. Therefore, the international community must work together with the trade unions to raise the living standards of all workers and their families and to promote global justice and to put an end to global poverty.    

References and more information on this topic:
                                                                                                                                                                               
Ko Tha Dja, “ASEAN’s Garment Making Industry’s Sex-Trade Connection”, Dissident Voice, May 31st 2013, http://dissidentvoice.org/2013/05/aseans-garment-making-industrys-sex-trade-connection/ [22nd June 2013]

Pattaya Mail, “Myanmar labor joining rally against human trafficking in Yala”, 9th June 2013, http://www.pattayamail.com/news/myanmar-labor-joining-rally-against-human-trafficking-in-yala-26928 [22nd June 2013]

Saritdet Marukatat, “Thai factories moving to Myanmar”, Bangkok Post, 20th May 2013, http://www.bangkokpost.com/learning/learning-from-news/351009/thai-factories-moving-to-myanmar [22nd June 2013]

United States Department of State, 2013 Trafficking in Persons Report – Burma, June 19th 2013, http://www.refworld.org/country,,,,MMR,,51c2f3d118,0.html [22nd June 2013]